America Versus
Europe
Dr. Edward Said
19 November 2002
Although I have visited England dozens
of times, I have never spent more than one or two weeks at a single
stretch. This year, for the first time, I am in residence for almost
two months at Cambridge University, where I am the guest of a
college and giving a series of lectures on humanism at the
university.
The first thing to be said is that
life here is far less stressed and hectic than it is in New York, at
my university, Columbia. Perhaps this slightly relaxed pace is due
in part to the fact that Great Britain is no longer a world power,
but also to the salutary idea that the ancient universities here are
places of reflection and study rather than economic centres for
producing experts and technocrats who will serve the corporations
and the state. So the post-imperial setting is a welcome environment
for me, especially since the US is now in the middle of a war fever
that is absolutely repellent as well as overwhelming. If you sit in
Washington and have some connection to the country's power elites,
the rest of the world is spread out before you like a map, inviting
intervention anywhere and at any time. The tone in Europe is not
only more moderate and thoughtful: it is also less abstract, more
human, more complex and subtle.
Certainly Europe generally and Britain
in particular have a much larger and more demographically
significant Muslim population, whose views are part of the debate
about war in the Middle East and against terrorism. So discussion of
the upcoming war against Iraq tends to reflect their opinions and
their reservations a great deal more than in America, where Muslims
and Arabs are already considered to be on the "other side", whatever
that may mean. And being on the other side means no less than
supporting Saddam Hussein and being "un-American". Both of these
ideas are abhorrent to Arab and Muslim-Americans, but the idea that
to be an Arab or Muslim means blind support of Saddam and Al-Qa'eda
persists nonetheless. (Incidentally, I know no other country where
the adjective "un" is used with the nationality as a way of
designating the common enemy. No one says unSpanish or unChinese:
these are uniquely American confections that claim to prove that we
all "love" our country. How can one actually "love" something so
abstract and imponderable as a country anyway?).
The second major difference I have
noticed between America and Europe is that religion and ideology
play a far greater role in the former than in the latter. A recent
poll taken in the United States reveals that 86 per cent of the
American population believes that God loves them. There's been a lot
of ranting and complaining about fanatical Islam and violent
jihadists, who are thought to be a universal scourge. Of course they
are, as are any fanatics who claim to do God's will and to fight his
battles in his name. But what is most odd is the vast number of
Christian fanatics in the US, who form the core of George Bush's
support and at 60 million strong represent the single most powerful
voting block in US history. Whereas church attendance is down
dramatically in England it has never been higher in the United
States whose strange fundamentalist Christian sects are, in my
opinion, a menace to the world and furnish Bush's government with
its rationale for punishing evil while righteously condemning whole
populations to submission and poverty.
It is the coincidence between the
Christian Right and the so-called neo-conservatives in America that
fuel the drive towards unilateralism, bullying, and a sense of
divine mission. The neo-conservative movement began in the 70s as an
anti-communist formation whose ideology was undying enmity to
communism and American supremacy. "American values", now so casually
trotted out as a phrase to hector the world, was invented then by
people like Irving Kristoll, Norman Podhoretz, Midge Decter, and
others who had once been Marxists and had converted completely (and
religiously) to the other side. For all of them the unquestioning
defense of Israel as a bulwark of Western democracy and civilisation
against Islam and communism was a central article of faith. Many
though not all the major neo-cons (as they are called) are Jewish,
but under the Bush presidency they have welcomed the extra support
of the Christian Right which, while it is rabidly pro-Israel, is
also deeply anti-Semitic (ie these Christians -- many of them
Southern Baptists -- believe that all the Jews of the world must
gather in Israel so that the Messiah can come again; those Jews who
convert to Christianity will be saved, the rest will be doomed to
eternal perdition).
It is the next generation of
neo-conservatives such as Richard Perle, Dick Cheney, Paul Wolfowitz,
Condoleeza Rice, and Donald Rumsfeld who are behind the push to war
against Iraq, a cause from which I very much doubt that Bush can
ever be deterred. Colin Powell is too cautious a figure, too
interested in saving his career, too little a man of principle to
represent much of a threat to this group which is supported by the
editorial pages of The Washington Post and dozens of columnists,
media pundits on CNN, CBS, and NBC, as well as the national weeklies
that repeat the same clichés about the need to spread American
democracy and fight the good fight, no matter how many wars have to
be fought all over the world.
There is no trace of this sort of
thing in Europe that I can detect. Nor is there that lethal
combination of money and power on a vast scale that can control
elections and national policy at will. Remember that George Bush
spent over $200 million to get himself elected two years ago, and
even Mayor Michael Bloomberg of New York spent 60 million dollars
for his election: this scarcely seems like the democracy to which
other nations might aspire, much less emulate. But this is accepted
uncritically by what seems to be an enormous majority of Americans
who equate all this with freedom and democracy, despite its obvious
drawbacks. More than any other country today, the United States is
controlled at a distance from most citizens; the great corporations
and lobbying groups do their will with "the people's" sovereignty
leaving little opportunity for real dissent or political change.
Democrats and Republicans, for example, voted to give Bush a blank
check for war with such enthusiasm and unquestioning loyalty as to
make one doubt that there was any thought in the decision. The
ideological position common to nearly everyone in the system is that
America is best, its ideals perfect, its history spotless, its
actions and society at the highest levels of human achievement and
greatness. To argue with that -- if that is at all possible -- is to
be "un-American" and guilty of the cardinal sin of anti-
Americanism, which derives not from honest criticism but for hatred
of the good and the pure.
No wonder then that America has never
had an organised Left or real opposition party as has been the case
in every European country. The substance of American discourse is
that it is divided into black and white, evil and good, ours and
theirs. It is the task of a lifetime to make a change in that
Manichean duality that seems to be set forever in an unchanging
ideological dimension. And so it is for most Europeans who see
America as having been their saviour and is now their protector, yet
whose embrace is both encumbering and annoying at the same time.
Tony Blair's wholeheartedly
pro-American position therefore seems even more puzzling to an
outsider like myself. I am comforted that even to his own people he
seems like a humourless aberration, a European who has decided in
effect to obliterate his own identity in favour of this other one,
represented by the lamentable Mr Bush. I still have time to learn
when it will be that Europe will come to its senses and assume the
countervailing role to America that its size and history entitle it
to play. Until then, the war approaches inexorably.